!!New publication based on the RSO thesis of Astrid Olaerts!!
Food loss in horticultural values chains is a key challenge for regional development in Global South. Yet, existing literature tends to focus on the instrumental factors behind food loss, posing technical interventions. In this new article published in Australian Geographer, we argue that we need to understand food loss through a socio-political lens. Applying such a lens to a case study of horticulture values chains in Lembang, Indonesia, the article argues that food loss is shaped by the power dynamics between different actors in interconnected market channels, including the unfair quality standards and trading practices imposed by powerful firms like supermarkets. Producers and other less powerful actors demonstrate resilience in navigating these power imbalances, however they also struggle to mitigate food loss. The article suggests several strategies that could be adopted to empower marginalised actors and reduce and prevent food loss.
by Priscilla Claeys, Sylvia Kay and Jessica Duncan
In what ways can food sovereignty or agroecology act as a viable joint framing for systemic convergence? The third Nyéléni Global Forum in Kandy, Sri Lanka, brought together over 700 activists with the aim of weaving convergence and strengthening alliances between food sovereignty and social justice movements. The authors reflect on their experience at the Forum, highlighting successes in cross-movement collaboration as well as frictions in organising, representation, and frameworks. Looking ahead, the Kandy Declaration calls for actions to deepen dialogue, transform governance, and build collective capacity to advance systemic transformation.
When I started my thesis on the dignity of recipients of governmental food aid in Indonesia, one question stayed with me: Is dignity always lost when one receives charitable aid?
Many studies have shown how recipients of food assistance often feel ashamed, as if relying on charity makes them less of a citizen. For instance, a study conducted in the Netherlands found that the food and social interaction at food banks evoke emotions, such as shame, gratitude, and anger, that reflect recipients’ experiences of social inequality (Van Der Horst et al., 2014). In the UK, stigma portraying food bank recipients as lazy, violent, and undisciplined has led to feelings of shame and embarrassment, often discouraging people from using aid unless they are in a deep crisis (Garthwaite, 2016). These findings made me wonder whether the same feelings of shame would appear in other cultural contexts and to what extent cultural values shape how people experience receiving aid.
BPNT Distribution Point
This led me to conduct fieldwork in Indonesia to study how cultural values might shape food aid recipients’ sense of dignity, focusing on BPNT, the government’s Non-Cash Food Aid Program that helps low-income households access food. I conducted my fieldwork in the village where I grew up, hoping to understand how people live with, and perhaps redefine, the idea of receiving charitable aid.
During my time in the field, there was a situation that I will always remember. In one afternoon, children were playing hide and seek in a small field while some villagers returned from the rice paddies. A few gathered to chat as the sun began to set. That was when Aminah, one of my research participants, said to me:
“Wait a minute here, I want to return Mrs. Suri’s bowl first,” holding a bowl filled with a vegetable dish. I nodded, watching her walk away.
That simple scene has stayed with me. In the village, people still nurture this kind of practice of food sharing, and the BPNT program has helped recipients to participate even more actively. It quietly challenged everything I had read about shame and dependency. Many studies describe dependency as a condition marked by discomfort, where recipients feel inferior and try to stay unseen. In contrast, within the BPNT program, recipients appeared to be comfortable acknowledging their status, participating in food sharing, and offering others the aid they received. This openness challenged the idea that receiving charitable aid always involves shame and dependency. It shows that even while receiving aid, people were giving, sharing, and returning. Their relationships were defined not by what they lacked, but by what they could still offer.
Throughout my fieldwork, I often heard stories such as rice shared with a neighbour, oil passed to a cousin, or eggs given to a relative. My participants did not describe embarrassment about being food aid recipients. Instead, many expressed happiness and pride. In these moments, I began to see that dignity was not lost through receiving aid. In the Indonesian context, aid can actually enable dignity, because it allows people to reciprocate, to give something back, to participate in social life. The ability to share, however small, is what makes people feel involved in the community.
Garthwaite, K. (2016b). Stigma, shame and ‘people like us’: an ethnographic study of foodbank use in the UK. Journal of Poverty and Social Justice, 24(3), 277–289. https://doi.org/10.1332/175982716×14721954314922
Van Der Horst, H., Pascucci, S., & Bol, W. (2014). The “dark side” of food banks? Exploring emotional responses of food bank receivers in the Netherlands. British Food Journal, 116(9), 1506–1520. https://doi.org/10.1108/bfj-02-2014-0081
This Friday marks the last day of Dr. Jonas Bååth’s two-week visit to the Rural Sociology Group. Jonas is Associate Professor in Sociology and Business Studies from the Department of People and Society at the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences (SLU), Campus Alnarp. His work brings fresh perspectives on how markets, consumption, and economies can be understood and organised in more sustainable and socially just ways.
Research Focus
Jonas’s research explores the social and cultural dimensions of markets and economic organisation, with a particular focus on agri-food systems, sustainability, and alternative economies. His projects engage with questions of pricing, economic valuation, food waste mitigation, and democratic market organising—all aimed at understanding how markets can function beyond purely capitalist logics. As Jonas puts it, a question that often guides his work is: “What would a non-capitalist market for food look like?”
Current Work at RSO
During his two-week stay at RSO through the Erasmus+ Teacher Mobility Programme, Jonas is joining the course “The Politics of Food Systems Transformations,” hosted by Dr. Jessica Duncan. His visit focuses on exploring how social science teaching can be more deeply integrated into advanced transdisciplinary education—an area central to his teaching within SLU’s master’s programmes in agroecology and sustainable food systems.
Why RSO and Wageningen?
Jonas chose RSO for its strong educational profile and alignment with his own teaching philosophy. He highlights RSO’s involvement in programmes such as Resilient Farming and Food Systems, and notes that Wageningen University & Research enjoys a stellar reputation at SLU for the quality of its education.
“I’ve followed Dr. Duncan’s work for many years,” Jonas shares, “and I’ve always found it highly interesting and relevant. This visit is a great opportunity for learning and exchange.”
Beyond Research
Outside academia, Jonas lives in Malmö, southern Sweden, with his partner and two young children, aged seven and four. He enjoys a wide range of interests—from music, literature, and tabletop games to politics and gardening. His enthusiasm for culture, creativity, and community life reflects the same curiosity and engagement that he brings to his academic work.
We are thrilled to host Jonas at RSO and look forward to the conversations his visit will inspire about teaching, learning, and reimagining markets for more sustainable food futures.
The Ipsos market study “Farmers’ Horizon: One Year After Farmers’ Protests” (2025) aims to capture “the pulse of the farmers population and address the current situation” following a period of farmers’ protest in different EU countries. The study seeks to determine whether farmers perceive any change in their financial situation one year after the protests, whether they are satisfied with the measures adopted by the European Union (EU) and national authorities, and what further actions might be undertaken to support EU farmers in coping with ongoing challenges. After a careful initial reading of the report, I conclude that the study is flawed in several fundamental aspects. Although it gives the impression of scientific rigor, methodological robustness, and representativeness, each of these aspects is, in fact, problematic.
Rural Sociology Wageningen University 